The burning of Manipur on May 3 and the blood of those poor souls bled on that night will paint the ugliest picture in the history pages of Manipur. The mass exodus of Meiteis from hills to valley and Kukis from valley to hills had made a busy night for those men in uniform in protecting innocent lives from the rioters. In fact, May 3 clashes between the two communities will ink an indelible memory in everyone’s mind. Though many commentators have mentioned the demand for Scheduled Tribe (ST) status by the Meiteis as the spark for the violence, there are several dots to be connected to get a clear picture of the whole event. The failure of the state government to effectively control the situation and the central government’s negligence have fanned the violence. The propaganda and acts of some chauvinist and radical groups elevated the violence to a communal one.
Almost every national newspaper of the country makes the headlines portraying the brutality of the Meitei mobs and the Chin-Kuki-Mizo-Zomi groups (generally understood as the Kukis) being the victims while intentionally ignoring the issues of Narco-terrorism, violation of the Suspension of Operation (SoO) agreement by the Kuki militants, the illegal immigration of Myanmar nationals to Manipur and their involvement in the ongoing violence. These groups are so successful in playing the victim card and spreading false propaganda because of the political support, proxy terrorism, and media support from both within and outside India.
A Well-Coordinated Plan
Northeast India is an important strategic location for implementing India’s Act East policy. India needs a vital partner in this geographical region to realise this objective. Since the Chin-Kuki-Mizo-Zomi groups occupy a sizeable geographical stretch of Myanmar, Northeast India and Bangladesh, they become the choice of the National Democratic Alliance (NDA) led by the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP). In addition, the Kuki militants are very different from other insurgent groups in Manipur. They are the armed groups in Manipur who accept India’s political system and constitution, while the others are waging war against the Indian state. Thus, they become a natural ally of the current NDA regime.
So, the Kuki armed groups were strengthened by signing the Suspension of Operation (SoO) agreement as a part of the central government’s design to control those insurgent groups (both valley-based and Naga insurgent groups) who are waging war against the Indian state. Again, in the presence of central forces in the hills, the Kuki militants got a free hand in illegal poppy cultivation. The income earned through this illegal drug business has strengthened their weaponry and workforce. Unlike the Indo-Pak or Sino-Indian border, the Indian state deliberately fails to regulate the Indo-Myanmar border. Illegal migration of Myanmar nationals to Northeast India is not checked. All these factors draw a clear picture that the NDA regime and the Chin-Kuki militants are partners in realising the policies of the Union Government.
Thus, it seems the NDA regime has given political and strategic support to the Chin-Kuki militants. Dr Malem Ningthouja, an author and historian, told NEw tv that the Kukis might have got media support, proxy terrorism, and strategic support from within and outside India. This is how they were so strong and confident to wage war against the Meiteis on May 3 and demand a “separate administration” later. Thus, it is crystal clear that May 3 violence was a well-coordinated and pre-planned creation of the Kukis with the support of external forces.
Separate Administration is not the Solution
Since India is a democratic country, any community has a right to demand a separate state. But it should be followed through peaceful debates, dialogues, and discussions. This was not the case in the recent demand for a “separate administration” where the Chin-Kuki militants started to attack the Meiteis in their dominated hill districts of Manipur. Other factors will prevent them from realising their dream of a separate state called “Kukiland”. First is the internal difference among different ethnicities within Kukis. In an article, “Emerging Trends in Ethnic Nationalism: Territoriality and Conflict in Manipur”, Nameirakpam Bijen Meetei, professor at Manipur University, argues that “the communities within Kukis are territorially dispersed and culturally analogous. They do not share a common ancestry or historical territory, custom and tradition, although some dialects are common to a large Kuki population. Though there are efforts, especially among the intellectuals and leaders, to showcase the constituting ethnicities as one, they were never known to have a common understanding, aspirations, sentiments and ideas that bind the population together in their homeland”. There was even a Kuki-Paite clash in 1997-98, showcasing the Kuki communities’ disagreements.
Another factor is territorial disputes. Except for Churachandpur, no districts are exclusively inhabited by the Kukis alone. There are claims and counterclaims over territories between Nagas and Kukis. So, granting “separate administration” to the Kukis will create future conflicts between the two communities. The Naga-Kuki clash (1992-97) over Moreh was an example. Moreover, it will also hurt the sentiments of other communities, particularly the Meiteis, who stood for long to protect the “territorial integrity” of Manipur. Hence, instead of resolving the violence, granting “separate administration” to one community will intensify the ethnic conflicts in Manipur.
The Way Forward
The need of the hour is to bring back normalcy in the state by strengthening law and order, providing necessities to the displaced people in the relief camps and curtailing the influence of chauvinist and sectarian extremists on both sides. A plan to allow the return of those displaced to their homes must also be arranged with the help of the security forces. It must be the duty of the civil society members, within and outside Manipur, to take up the cause of rebuilding inter-community ties and not letting chauvinist and militant groups influence the democratic values of the state.
For a permanent solution, the Manipur-Myanmar border should be sealed to check the illegal migration of people from Myanmar. The terms of the SoO agreement must be made open to the public and carefully reviewed. If found any inconsistency, it must be revoked. A rigorous study on illegal poppy cultivation in the hills of Manipur and its connection with the Kuki militants under SoO needs to be brought to the public. India’s Narcotics Control Bureau should collaborate with the state police to eliminate Narco-terrorism operating in the hills of the state.
The Naga-Kuki clash in the 1990s witnessed that neither side was victorious in ethnic or communal violence. It will serve only the interests of the self-declared leaders. Nevertheless, both communities’ innocent people will suffer, losing their lives and property. It is time for everyone to recall Benjamin Franklin’s quote, “There is no good war and no bad peace”. Violence cannot offer fruit; only peace and harmony can provide a viable solution. A Meitei village in Kwatha, sandwiched by six Kuki villages, is a clear example that shows that the two communities can still live together in peace and harmony. Separate administration will not solve the ethnic conflicts in Manipur until and unless the issues of Narco-terrorism and illegal immigration are addressed. We should not succumb to the politically charged agendas of some sectarian and chauvinist self-proclaimed leaders. Peace and harmony can heal all conflicts, problems, and enmities. Democratic and peaceful talks and negotiations will solve this ethnic conflict.
The writers, are both Research Scholars at the Department of Political Science, Manipur University
